James
Arlandson, Ph.D., is recognized in academic circles as an expert in
philosophy and world religions, especially the religion of Islam and
the history of its founder, Muhammad.
Seeds of Jihad Part 1
By
James Arlandson
The
deepest source of Islamic terrorism lies in theology. Formed in
response to events in the Prophet's lifetime, there are problematic
aspects to Islamic
theology
and practice not found in two other great world religions,
Christianity and Buddhism. Unless we squarely face those aspects,
we outsiders will be unprepared to encourage
reform or,
short of that, to win our survival.
Muhammad had difficult relations with the Meccans, and this
generated theological and moral ambiguities or 'seeds' that were
planted in the Qur'an and early traditions. Sadly, but not
surprisingly, these ambiguities are exploited by terrorists, such as
Osama bin Laden and the Palestinian terrorists, who take them to
extremes. Three paths taken by Muhammad have created interpretation
and application problems for his later followers.
(1)
Muhammad followed the Arab custom of retaliation for a perceived
wrong.
The
two earliest passages in the Qur'an showing the development of jihad
('holy war') are 22:39-40, which was revealed around Muhammad's
Hijrah (Emigration) from Mecca to Medina, where he arrived on
September 24, 622 AD; and 2:190-191, which seems to have been
received around the same time. We use the translation of a
traditional Muslim apologist* Maulana Muhammad Ali.
22:39
Permission (to fight) is given to those on whom war is made, because
they are oppressed. And surely Allah is Able to assist them
40
Those who are driven from their homes without a just cause except
that they say: Our Lord is Allah. And if Allah did not repel some
people by others, cloisters, and churches, and synagogues, and
mosques in which Allah's name is much remembered, would have been
pulled down. And surely Allah will help him who helps Him . . . .
In
verse 39 Allah tells Muhammad that he and his followers were driven
from their homes 'without a just cause'; therefore, he and his
followers are justified in retaliating. However, Muhammad did not
have enough strength to strike. He moved to Mecca.
It is
related by a later commentator that Abu Bakr, one of the earliest
Companions and later the successor of Muhammad, knew that when he
heard these two verses, fighting between the Muslims and the Meccans
would break out. Thus, Muhammad had it in his mind, before arriving
in Medina, to attack the Meccans after he got settled in his new
city.
The
second passage that shows the early development and justification of
jihad runs as follows:
2:190
And fight in the way of Allah against those who fight against you
but be not aggressive. Surely Allah loves not the aggressors. 191
And kill them wherever you find them, and drive them out from where
they drive you out, and persecution is worse than slaughter. And
fight not with them at the Sacred Mosque [the Ka'bah] until they
fight with you in it; so if they fight you (in it), slay them. Such
is the recompense of the disbelievers . . . 193 Fight them until
there is no persecution, and religion is only for Allah.
A
puzzling line is found in 191: persecution is worse than
slaughter. The puzzle lies in the obvious fact that persecution
is generally considered milder than slaughter, but traditional and
apologetic Muslim commentators explain that in this context
persecution means that hindering believers from following Allah is
worse than slaughter because truth is greater than life (cf. 2:217)
and that persecution entailed persistent murder and torture, though
modern, objective scholarship says that is far from certain. Indeed,
those puzzling words seem to support the modern, objective view,
because they imply that Muhammad suffered mere persecution and was
still alive, but later he would inflict death on some Meccans and
was justified in doing so.
Verse
193 says that Muhammad could not ignore the polytheists and their
sacred shrine, the Ka'bah, which was located near Mecca, until
religion is only for Allah. Apparently peaceful means such as
preaching were insufficiently persuasive, and largely unwelcome in
Mecca before his Emigration.
Moderate Muslims today use these two passages to show that Islam is
a peaceful religion until it is attacked: Be not aggressive
(190). Thus, Maulana in his biography of Muhammad (Muhammad the
Prophet, 1924, 1993) goes out of his way to show all of the
abuses that Muhammad and his followers suffered, but never any
problems that occur the moment anyone picks up the sword to wield
it. Maulana seems to set up a very high standard that is difficult
to defend. The logic:
(1)
Every event in Muhammad's life that appears aggressive and excessive
is really defensive and justified.
(2)
(Fill in any historical event that appears aggressive or excessive,
e.g. the raids on caravans or the execution of around 600 Jews; both
discussed below)
(3)
Therefore, that event is really defensive and justified.
Even if we set aside the debate over historical facts and accept the
traditional Muslim belief that Muhammad and even his followers never
initiated aggression, then that still lands Islam in moral
ambiguities, as they (justly) retaliated.
For
example, If persecution is worse than slaughter, how does one
measure a proportional response? Muhammad had around 600 male Jews
executed after the Battle of the Trench in March 627. Would those
Jews agree that persecution is worse than slaughter? Thus, how does
a general reader interpret this line? Worse, how could terrorists
interpret and apply it, and on what epistemological grounds? Granted
that a holy man like Muhammad is part of his own culture, when
should he nonetheless rise above it, at least above the difficult
customs like revenge and blood-feuds? These ambiguities are so
difficult that they may not have an answer today.
(2)
Muhammad engaged in the Arab custom of raids and blood-feuds, which
he elevated to jihad.
Throughout the year 623, Muhammad sent out a series of expeditions
that harassed Meccan caravans, but these ventures, of which he
approved and thus incorporated into his religion, never amounted to
anything, because the armed guards were too many and the Muslims too
few. Be that as it may, these raids were elevated to a jihad, a holy
war.
Muhammad's jihadists got a lucky strike in January 624, when they
captured a caravan south of Mecca. The Meccans did not expect this
deft attack (since Medina was about 200 miles to the north of
Mecca), so they had only four guards. The spoils were taken back to
Medina and eventually divided up. The non-Muslim Medinans were
understandably upset because Muhammad had spilled some blood. They
knew that Mecca would have to retaliate in order to restore its
honor. So what was Muhammad's justification?
It
was in February that Muhammad got his revelations about the Ka'bah
in Qur'an 2:142-144 (see 2:191), which says the Meccans do not own
it because Abraham and Ishmael rebuilt and purified it centuries
ago. Since the Muslims are the true representatives of the Abrahamic
religions, the Ka'bah belongs to them. He also probably reminded the
Medinans that the Meccans had persecuted the Muslims, and
persecution is worse than slaughter.
Clearly, then, revelation trumps history, an epistemological path
that is always suspect. This will spawn many difficulties in the
future, such as Islam's claim to Jerusalem today, but that problem
will be discussed in another article in the series.
Also,
an objective observer could draw the conclusion an interpretive
problem that these raids had nothing to do with revenge for
persecution, but were simply collecting spoils. (The title of sura 8
can be translated as 'The Spoils of War,' after the Battle of Badr
in March 624, see #3.) Indeed, one can conclude that the raids could
have triggered the backlash of increased persecution of the Muslims
still living in Mecca after Muhammad's Emigration.
These
raids elicit other ambiguities. Are they equal to the persecution in
Mecca? Who decides? The leader with the more effective army? What
kind of message does this send to later followers, and how could
they (mis)interpret and (mis)apply it?
(3)
From these raids early Islam becomes an expansionist religion which
uses the sword.
In
Muhammad's search for control over Mecca, religion, politics,
military force and culture mixed, since Mecca was more than a
religious prize, but a center for further expansion, whether by
diplomacy, proclamation, trade, or the sword.
In
March 624, the Battle of Badr was waged near Medina, a battle that
devout Muslims regard as a miracle. Muhammad had learned of a large
caravan returning to Mecca from Gaza, so he prepared to intercept
it. A spy informed the Meccans of Muhammad's plan, so they mustered
an army of around 950, whereas the Muslims numbered just over 300.
Despite the numerical disparity, the Muslims won and took the spoils
of war back to Medina.
As to
Muhammad's leadership of a new religious movement, that victory
dispelled the doubt of many back in Medina. Muhammad and his
followers were elated. More joined the Muslim community. He believed
that God was on his side.
However, Mecca could not let their defeat stand unanswered. Their
trade and the Ka'bah's draw depended on recovering their honor.
The
next big conflict, the Battle of the Trench in March 627, named
after a trench that the Muslims dug to the north of Medina, resulted
in a victory for the 3,000 unified Muslims over 10,000 squabbling
Meccans and their allies. Mecca was never able to mount an adequate
riposte after that.
In March 628, Muhammad secured a treaty with the Meccans so that,
among other provisions, the Muslims could go on a pilgrimage to the
Ka'bah.
So in
March 629, Muhammad and 2,000 Muslims went on a lesser pilgrimage,
and the Meccans had to vacate Mecca, according to the terms of the
treaty. Then Muhammad returned home without difficulty.
However, in November 629, an old tribal conflict erupted, this time
in a Muslim Meccan setting. One tribe (the Khuza'ah) claimed an
alliance with Muhammad, and someone of the rival tribe (the Bakr
ibn-'Abd-Manat), who were allied with the Meccans, wrote some
disparaging verses about Muhammad. Some from the Muslim tribe killed
the author, so some from the Meccan tribe ambushed a few from the
Muslim tribe.
The
offense of mockery was taken seriously in this time, for even
Muhammad had two prisoners from the Battle of Badr executed, one of
whom wrote disparaging verses about the Prophet, the other claiming
that his own stories about Persia were as good as the Qur'an.
The
Meccans halted the feud and sent an embassy to Muhammad in Medina,
which hinted, beyond the immediate tribal dispute, that Mecca itself
was weak. Therefore, in January 630 Muhammad sent an army of 10,000
Muslims from Medina and from tribes that had recently converted or
formed alliances with him, and Mecca capitulated without a fight.
Muhammad at last purged of idols the Meccan sacred shrine, the
Ka'bah, claiming it and Mecca as his own.
Clearly, then, the conquest of Mecca was done by the sword, with the
assistance of a little diplomacy. Thereafter, the city was used as a
launching pad for the eventual unification (Islamification) of
Arabia. It is no wonder that the Saudi flag today has a sword on it.
For
the third point, traditionally, Muslims believe that the breaking of
the truce involved hindrance from going to the Ka'bah and other
forms of persecution and assert that therefore Muhammad was not the
aggressor. Even if we concede that assertion, the ambiguities still
abound.
Is
the tribal breaking of a truce really equal to the total conquest of
Mecca? How could present followers interpret that sunna or path and
apply it to their own times? These early jihads in the name of
Allah, whether just or unjust, mean that military is part of
politics and culture and religion in Islam. Should a prophet like
Muhammad have immersed himself so deeply in the politics and
military battles and conquests of his culture?
Moreover, Muhammad's policies contrast strongly with those of the
Founders of Christianity and Buddhism, two other 'universalizing'
(missionary) religions. They never mixed politics, religion, and
military in practice. Neither one ever picked up a sword to use it
because Jesus was concerned with a spiritual, heavenly kingdom, and
the Buddha was concerned with taming the inner kingdom.
Then
for two centuries or more Christianity and Buddhism spread by
peaceful proclamation and example. However, later followers, such as
Constantine in the West, used the sword, but the institutional
genetic code was already set by the Founders, who rose above their
cultures and followed peace. Success followed them.
These
three points have ramifications for the troubles of today. The
ambiguities in Muhammad's policies are the 'seeds' of future
ambiguities on the part of terrorists today, who wield the sword
against the Great Satan (America or the West).
Even
if one has been wronged first and is therefore justified in waging
jihad, how does one match the original offense? Does this give later
jihadists permission to wage their own wars? What exactly is
sufficient provocation so that they believe they are justified in
striking back? Who decides and on what interpretive grounds? Is the
flying of jets into buildings proportional to infidels living in
Saudi Arabia or Jews living in Israel, two oft-repeated complaints
of Osama bin Laden?
The
answers to these questions surely are far from clear for Muslims and
us, living in the new millennium.
*
The theological usage of 'apologist' means 'defender.'
James
M. Arlandson may be reached at
jamesmarlandson@hotmail.com
Jim
Arlandson (Ph.D.) teaches introductory philosophy and world
religions at a college in southern California. He has published a
book, Women, Class, and Society in Early Christianity
(Hendrickson, 1997)
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